A Negotiated Settlement with the Taliban – Can it Be Achieved?

It won’t be wrong to state that today Pakistan’s society is extremely polarized, divided and confused over what is going to happen between the state and the terrorists – The Pakistani Taliban.

Looking at the print, electronic and social media, one finds that Pakistanis have been visibly divided into two camps on the potential relationship between the state and Taliban. One camp suggests that negotiated settlement is the only way out to bring peace and stability to Pakistan. And the other camp is of the view that peace negotiations with Taliban have been tried and tested before and its time when the state needs to take action against them. They argue that the Taliban have been attacking the innocent civilians in Pakistan and have killed more than 40,000 Pakistanis; hence they are ‘unforgivable enemies’. This is a very strong argument and any concerned Pakistani would agree with the fact that Taliban have almost changed the social fabric of Pakistani society because of their terrorist activities in Pakistan.

The ‘pro-peace talks’ camp, however, contends that it is important to look back and fix the root causes of the terrorism in Pakistan rather than treating the symptoms. They argue that the present chaotic situation in Pakistan is because of the disastrous domestic and international policies in region that started during the Afghan Jihad time and deteriorated after 9/11. Pakistan was dragged into the war against terrorism, the Pakistan Army started an operation in Waziristan and Taliban, who never posed a direct threat to Pakistan, called for a ‘Jihad’ against the state of Pakistan. Increased Army operations by Pakistan’s security forces coupled with the notorious US drone strikes in the tribal areas of Pakistan escalated the situation and eventually Pakistani people had to pay the price of this ‘Forced Marriage’ between US and Pakistan and a ‘Forced Divorce’ between Pakistan and Taliban. This is their narrative

Both sides have some truths and I think I will be one of those few people who will agree with both. However, I need a solution as well. I want to look beyond the ‘point-scoring’ debate because I know that winning any debate will not bring a workable solution to the problems faced by my country. To find a solution, we must find answers to the following questions:

• Are we aware of the realistic connection between Pakistani Taliban and Afghani Taliban?

• Is it sensible to talk about ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban? Do we have to move on from stagnant positions to ones which bear risk though which can yield rewards?

• Can we institute confidence-building measures for a workable negotiated settlement?

The first and foremost element for strategizing a practical road map of peace negotiation with Pakistani Taliban is to understand the complex relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan based Taliban. Any negotiated settlement with Pakistani Taliban cannot be advanced in a vacuum – without taking the reconciliation process with Taliban in Afghanistan into context in which the Afghan Government, US, ISAF and especially Pakistan are the stakeholders. According to a recent report by Danish Institute of International Studies (DIIS), in the ‘Peace Process Roadmap 2015’ ( A strategy paper by the Afghan Government), Pakistan is considered as a key facilitator of direct contact between the Afghan Government and Taliban leaders.

The popular narrative about Taliban is that the state of Pakistan gets along with the Afghani Taliban but take Pakistani Taliban as public enemy number one. Apparently, the founder of the Tahreek e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Baitullah Mehsud, was dismissed by Afghan Taliban leader, Mullah Omar because of his continued attacks on Pakistan. However, Baitullah Mehsud always took Mullah Omar as his leader. It is interesting to see that often the talks with Pakistani Taliban are viewed by many analysts as a completely separate subject without realizing the ideological bond they have with Afghani Taliban. Members of both the groups cross the Durand line on a daily basis and are hosted and protected by each other. One must not forget that the narrative of Pakistani Taliban only varies from Afghani Taliban in their stance against the state of Pakistan. Undermining any negotiated settlement with Pakistani Taliban will have an impact on the global efforts for reconciliation with Afghani Taliban.

Perhaps, the most ridiculed idea in Pakistan is considered to be a discourse around the ‘Good and Bad Taliban’. In principle, I also agree that there are no good Taliban because those who justify violence and kill people to popularize their ideology can’t be ‘good’. However, our sense of history tells us that this idea can actually work to isolate more radical members of the extremist groups from those who are interested in a dialogue to end the conflict. The peace deal between the IRA and the British government is a perfect example by which to understand it when the more extreme elements within the radical republican wing were isolated from the IRA. Pakistani Taliban has no structured organization. Various media and research reports suggest that Pakistani Taliban are splintered into dozens of smaller factions. Even the TTP (Tahreek e Taliban Pakistan) does not represent all of those groups. This situation has pros and cons but a major opportunity in it for Pakistan is that the state can devise a strategy to start getting on board all those groups who envisage that peace process is worth negotiating.

Lastly, can the stakeholders sustain the peace process by developing the right confidence building measures? There is another common narrative in Pakistan that no negotiation with Taliban can be successful because all such previous efforts were failed. Indeed there were serious efforts made for negotiation in 2004, 2005 and 2008 but it must be noted that there has never been a formal peace agreement or a structured dialogue between the government of Pakistan and the Pakistani Taliban. A strong anti-drone policy with some sort of agreement from the US government is central to build confidence for a successful negotiated settlement with Taliban. However, what is the realistic likelihood of this when US foreign policy in Pakistan relies heavily on the use of drone technology.

In the wake of the recent killing of TTP leader, Hakimullah Mehsud by a US drone strike, once again the negotiation process is in danger. Although Pakistan has officially condemned and denounced the attack, the situation over the coming days will unfold if the Pakistani Taliban are still interested to settle down the conflict through a dialogue or they will prefer continuing their violent movement. I hope the coming days will bring the message of a real peace to Pakistan but that entirely depends on devising a right strategy to end the conflict with Pakistani Taliban and then sustain the peace process without compromising our national interest and our core democratic values. Peace is required but not at a price that throttles the future of Pakistan. 

These views are the personal views of Rehman Anwer and are not necessarily reflective of positions taken by Faith Matters.

The Attack on All Saints Church is an attack on Pakistan

Christian and Muslim communities have been living in Pakistan since independence. The Christian community is around 2% of the total population of Pakistan and, like other members of minority faiths, they also experience prejudice at various levels in their everyday lives. This faith-based prejudice is both casual and institutionalised. The majority of Christians in Pakistan are extremely poor and do menial jobs across the country.  The contribution of the members of the Christian community towards the protection and development of Pakistan is totally missed in the school text books.

Although there have been various incidents of Christian-Muslim conflict in the recent past, the incident on Sunday 22nd September turned out to be the deadliest attack to ever be committed against the Christian community in Pakistan. Two suicide attackers blew themselves up near the All Saints Church in Peshawar at a time when hundreds of Christians were returning home after the Sunday Church service. So far, 81 people have reported to be killed and over 100 terribly injured in the incident. According to the Interior Ministry of Pakistan, there were 7 children and 34 women amongst the victims who lost their lives.

A splinter group of Pakistani Taliban known as TTP-Jandullah has taken responsibility for the attack, saying that such attacks will continue against the non-Muslims until the US ends drone strikes in the tribal areas of Pakistan – a demand that makes little sense.

The persecution of minorities in Pakistan is not new; but the recent incident in Peshawar has an interesting element to look at. The present Pakistani government has recently decided to initiate a peace process with the Taliban and is actively discussing the modalities of peace talks. There is a perception in Pakistan that there are certain elements in the country who do not want the peace process to go ahead and they are trying to sabotage the negotiation strategy of peace with the Taliban.

However, given the state of minorities in Pakistan since its independence, there requires a comprehensive strategy to ensure the protection of the minority communities. The response from the civil society and wider public is similar to that which they exhibited in the past. The majority of the people are showing solidarity with the victims’ families, but it certainly requires more than a timely support. We should not allow this vicious cycle, in which we condemn the ruthless mass murder of our minority communities and then no concrete actions are taken against the perpetrators, to continue. It is time to learn from the past. What did we learn from Shanti Nagar, Sangla Hill, Gojra and Badami Bagh incidents? Did we develop a counter-terrorism strategy? Did we increase the security of religious places? Did we train our police to deal with the terrorists? Did we start monitoring the hate-based narratives against minorities? Did we think of legislating against hate crime against religious minorities? Did the government start supporting the interfaith organizations operating within Pakistan to promote a dialogue between members of the faith communities to foster better relationships among them?

The answer to all the above questions is one word – NO

The government has announced ‘Three-Day’ mourning in the country after the barbaric attacks against the Christian communities in Peshawar but would this mourning ensure the protection of minorities from future attacks?

This government of Pakistan must think beyond sheer condemnation and timely solidarity with the victims and their families. Pakistan certainly needs serious and consistent efforts to tackle the challenges of terrorism and extremism. It is the time to prove that the ‘Attack on the All Saints Church is an Attack on Pakistan.’

Rehman Anwer

The strange paradoxes of Revenge – a reflection on the destruction of Quaid’s Residence in Ziarat

The philosophy of revenge is a strange one. People who are so filled with hate, anger, or feeling of righteousness that they feel they must strike out against someone – anyone - sometimes forget to discriminate between their friends and foes. In their quest to find some great act of violence that they hope will satisfy them, they target not only innocent people, but also buildings, symbols, and the very fabric of a country’s history to achieve their blind, unthinking objectives. Terrorist groups targeting buildings is not a new phenomenon – violent groups of all stripes have long appreciated the symbolic impact of blowing up or otherwise destroying large, impressive structures, as incidents like the September 11th attack on the Twin Towers, the 1963 Birmingham Church Bombing, the tearing down of the historic Babri mosque in India, and numerous other attacks have shown. To attack individual people is a horrifying act, and losses of human life are terrible; but to destroy a significant or meaningful building sends a very clear message to those who hold it dear, and wipes out a piece of history.

 

Quaid’s residency before (l), and after (r), the attack

In the early hours of Saturday 15th June, another building was added to this list of  historic buildings destroyed by terrorist actions – Quaid-e-Azam’s historic residency, in Ziarat, Balochistan, was wrecked by an incendiary device. This was the 19th century colonial-era building in which the father     of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, spent the last days of his life. The building was constructed in 1892 by the British, and was later officially declared ‘Quaid-e-Azam’s Residency’ by the government of Pakistan. The place has been the centre of attraction for tourists from all around the world, who used to come and see the residence of the founder of Pakistan, and to pay him tribute for his untiring struggle for the protection and promotion of the rights of the Indian Muslims. The people of Pakistan have long had a deep respect for everything associated with their founder, and so the Quaid-e-Azam’s residence was highly respected and was considered as a national asset.

Responsibility for this iconoclastic attack was claimed by the Balochistan Liberation Army. The BLA, a proscribed terrorist group of Balochi separatists, burnt the entire building to the ground, and tearing down the Pakistani flag, replacing it with their own organisation’s flag. Citing government discrimination, human rights abuses (including hundreds of ‘disapperances’ of prominent Baloch activists and journalists), and hostility to the central government’s resource extraction policies, Baloch nationalists have long been involved in an ongoing (fairly low-level) struggle against the Pakistani government.

Since the BLA’s founding in 2003, however, they have emerged as a serious growing threat  to law and order in Balochistan. Despite claims not to target civilians – following an attack which killed eleven in Quetta in 2004, a BLA spokesman ‘expressed his deep grief over the civilian casualties caused by the blast’ – the group’s attacks have often involved high civilian death tolls, either directly, or as by killing bystanders. Indeed, in the attack on Quaid’ residency, a policeman guarding the house was killed in the initial blast – yet another incidental death resulting from the BLA’s campaign of terroristic violence. On top of this, they have also specifically targeted Pakistani security forces in the region, diverting vital resources from the fight against the remnants of Al-Qaeda in the area – a conflict that is only likely to escalate if rumours of separatist insurgents receiving arms and materiel from outside sources to continue their campaigns of violence in Balochistan.

 

Quaid with Baloch leaders (source: http://quaid-e-azam-history.blogspot.co.uk)

A struggle to free oneself from oppression, and to assert one’s own human rights is the fundamental right of any community, and it is important not to let the recent terrorist attacks by the BLA change our minds on this either way. Nonetheless, targeting innocent civilians, carrying out attacks on dearly held national symbols for millions of Pakistanis, and destroying national treasures can never be productive for any movement struggling to secure their rights. The recent brutal attack on the residency of Quaid-e-Azam has not only had a huge psychological impact on many, many Pakistanis, but it has also undermined the peace efforts that started after the formation of the new provisional government in Balochistan. After years of conflict, the democratic process has finally brought together a government that includes a range of nationalist parties including the National Party, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and the Balochistan National Party (Mengal). Despite this opportunity for dialogue and cooperation between the various elected representatives of Balochistan, the attackers seem to have no interest in or patience for securing the peace and stability of the region in the long term, but seem only to want to take a short cut and assert power now – an act that can only perpetuate the violent extremism in Balochistan.

Indeed, the philosophy of revenge is strange – All it seems to do is to perpetuate conflicts, bring down more scrutiny, and push peaceful dialogue and solidarity further away. Worse, it does not even let us discriminate between our friends and enemies. The so-called Baloch nationalists, who claim to be fighting for the rights of Baloch people, destroyed the historic residence of a person who, for the first time in the history of Indian subcontinent, had strongly advocated for reforms benefitting Balochistan on the same level as other provinces of India in his famous Fourteen Points in 1929.

Rehman Anwer

Finding Sustainable Peace in Karachi

2012 has been one of the deadliest years in Karachi for a long time, with more than 2,000 people killed in violent attacks. These have mainly been connected with ethnic and political tensions, carried out in order to create fear before the recent general elections.ⁱ Not much seems to have changed in 2013 with regard to this sort of violence, either - in the present year, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, 735 people have been killed and 622 injured so far in the on-going incidents of violence in Karachi.ⁱⁱ

This kind of violence in Karachi has a particularly serious impact on Pakistan’s national security situation, and on its economy. Because Karachi is one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse cities in Pakistan - home to Pashtun, Mohajirs (Urdu Speaking), Punjabis, Baloch and Sindhi - any unrest in the city is likely to have a significant knock-on effect on the other parts of the country. On the economic front, Karachi contributes 25% of the total GDP in Pakistan, and any disruption, interruption, or cessation of its economic functioning risks destabilising the country’s economy.

As well as being culturally and ethnically diverse, Karachi is, unfortunately, one of the most diverse cities in terms of the range of extremism and terrorism to be found in the city. This terrorism is mainly ethnic and political in nature, although the significance of the sectarian and Taliban elements present in the city should not be understated, especially when taking into consideration the fact that Faisal Shahzad, the person who tried to blow up New York’s Times Square in 2010, was connected to the terror network of Tahreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in Karachi.

On top of this general threat of violence, power struggles between the major political players in Karachi including MQM, ANP and PPP have made the city a battleground. All of these major political parties have their own militant wings, and these groups have been fighting with each other to gain control of the city’s resources. The urban violence primarily takes place between between MQM (who represent mainly the Mahajirs) and ANP (who primarily represent Pashtuns). Reports suggest that both of these parties have very well-equipped armed wings and they have created an environment of enormous fear for the residents of Karachi. Not only does this sort of armed violence represent a direct threat to the lives of people in the city, but it also makes their lives much more uncertain and precarious generally – it’s difficult to live a normal life with the constant threat of violence hanging over your entire community.

The elections in Pakistan are over now, and the new government is being formed. What the leaders of Pakistan need now is to learn from the brutal and harsh incidents of violence that have wracked Karachi in recent years, and work towards making the city a more peaceful place that is safer for its residents. It’s important that this is not a short-lived or fleeting end to political violence, either – what can be done to make sure that peace is sustainable in Karachi?

Based on the complexities of the ethno-political dimensions of the violence in Karachi, one of the first steps for the local politicians to take should be the recognition of the effect that their conflicts have on both Pakistani people, and on Pakistan as a country; the violence, the suffering, and the self-perpetuating division that this creates. A strong political will is required to address these issues, but it’s important to confront the serious threat that these issues pose to the integrity of Pakistan, and to grapple seriously with this issue.

One of the most important and immediate actions should be the dismantlement of the armed wings of the various political parties. This, of course, is a difficult first step – who would be the first to lay down arms? – but a collaborative and mutual process of disarmament, if handled carefully by a neutral arbiter, is very possible, and would be very effective. Once this is done, and armed criminal groups are detached from the mainstream political process in the city, then real change can take place.

Beyond these necessary political steps, however, it’s also important to look at the underlying social and cultural causes of the violence, that enable extremism and division, and allow it to continue. A culture of promoting diversity and encouraging understanding among the communities living in Karachi is essential to combating this; while economic and political factors play a part in perpetuating the violence, undermining mutual hostility, suspicion, and misunderstanding in Karachi society will go a long way towards resolving the problems. Vulnerable segments of the society including minorities, young people and women should be involved in the social programmes and decision-making processes, as well; not only are they often excluded from many of these debates and processes, but they can also offer new and important perspectives on these issues based on their own perspectives and experiences. In addition to this, the government needs to promote initiatives to promote peace, national cohesion, and solidarity among the residents of Karachi to deal with the challenges of terrorism and extremism facing both the city and Pakistan as a whole.

Peace in Karachi would certainly be a good thing, but by showing the way for these conflicts to be resolved, it could pave the way for so much more. Indeed, peace in Karachi could mean peace in Pakistan.

Rehman Anwer

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ⁱ http://dawn.com/2013/01/07/2012-deadliest-year-in-karachi-for-two-decades/
ⁱⁱ http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/sindh/datasheet/karachi_incident.html

Democracy rising in Pakistan

The recent election in Pakistan represented a particularly historic event in the annals of recent Pakistani political life: the democratic transition from one elected government to another. Like all the previous elections in the country, this election has led to certain doubts around transparency, and results in some constituencies are expected to be re-evaluated by the Election Commission of Pakistan. Nonetheless, one of the most interesting facets of the election was the overwhelming participation of the Pakistani public in the democratic process of their country, despite the serious threats from a raft of extremist groups who openly declared a war against democracy, while attacking the political parties’ candidates and terrorising local people into to not casting their votes.

According to the International Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), out of around 190 million of population, 86,189,802 people were registered voters. The Election Commission of Pakistan has confirmed that voter turnout has been around 60% - a significant increase on the result in the previous election in 2008, which was only 44.55%. This enthusiastic electoral participation suggests that the majority of the people of Pakistan still believe that democracy is the only solution to the issues they are facing right now, and sharply contradicts the many gloomy reports and surveys suggesting that majority in Pakistan are pessimistic, or lost hope in the democratic system of the country. This is, therefore, a very discouraging message indeed for all the anti-democratic forces working to undermine Pakistan’s current political system.

The most significant lesson to learn from the present election is that the people of Pakistan are, by and large, still pro-democracy. This fact is, in itself, somewhat surprising; the last five years of democratic government have not been a glowing example of democratic success and have disappointed a lot of the ordinary people of Pakistan, who were expecting a lot from the civilian government after a long dictatorial regime. Corruption and bad governance are serious problems for Pakistan at present, and have permeated throughout Pakistani political life to its highest levels. This has, unsurprisingly, disheartened many, and paved way for many anti-democratic forces to convince people that perhaps democracy could never work in Pakistan, or that it is a foreign, unworkable ideal. It was also revealed in a recent survey by the British Council that ‘Pakistan’s burgeoning population of young people is highly conservative, overwhelmingly pessimistic about the future and has a very low opinion of democracy’¹ – hardly an encouraging prospect for the future of Pakistan as a democratic, pluralistic state. Nonetheless, a huge number of young people, from all over the country, not only participated in the electoral process, but are still protesting to ensure the transparency of the electoral process in certain places. Various surveys suggest that around 30% of the voters were under the age of 30, and that vast numbers of young people were casting their first ever vote in this election. This political participation on the part of the young people of Pakistan suggest that they still believe in the democratic norms and values in their society, and also that – even with the flawed democratic governments in the past, young people are still interested in the revival and sustainability of democracy in Pakistan. If anything, the recent post-election protests surrounding recounts and the transparency of the electoral protests suggest that enthusiasm for democracy is still strong – people are clearly willing to take to the streets in order to defend it!

The overwhelming participation of youth in the present election is a particularly positive sign of the strengthening democratic culture in Pakistan. Today, young people across Pakistan are much more politically aware than their parents were, with a number of young people actually standing for elected positions. This is a new phenomenon in Pakistan, and something that suggests that - in spite of the grave economic and security challenges that Pakistan is facing at the moment - the society is actually going in the right direction. The rise of democracy is central to the ongoing process of building the Pakistani nation. Indeed, this focus on the role of young people across the country in forging Pakistani political identity was prefigured decades ago, by none other than the founder of Pakistan (and our blog’s favourite source of quotes!), Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah:

“We need our youth to be politically aware and sensitized towards the Nation building. They are the future and the future needs to be bright for Pakistan.”

Rehman Anwer

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¹ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/apr/02/pakistan-young-voters-democracy-despair

The Historical Role and Contributions of Christian Communities in Pakistan

In 1947, a wide range of Christian representatives expressed their support for the in partition of India. Many Christian groups stood together as part of this movement, including the Joint Christian Board and the Punjabi branches of the the All-India Christian Association, All-India Christian League, All India Anglo-India Association, and Catholic Association. Large numbers of Punjabi Christians did not, it seemed, want to form part of a broader Hindu India; but, rather, expressed their affinity and solidarity with the Muslim populations of the area. They were – at least according to their representatives – eager Pakistanis.

This sense of national solidarity was reciprocated by Pakistan’s contemporary leadership. The founding father of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, once stated that ‘Pakistan will provide its minorities an ample field for the outlet of their genius and they should come forward and play their role as true citizens in making Pakistan one of the greatest nations…’ Indeed, there are many notable Pakistani Christians who have found an outlet for their genius in the country, and have developed, protected and fought for their nation. 

All of these are, of course, extremely valuable contributions to Pakistani national identity, but one of the most striking, from a nationalist point of view, would be those who fought on behalf of their nation, and who were willing to give up their lives for Pakistan. The National Council for Interfaith Dialogue in Pakistan recently published a report by Emmanuel Zafar, which centered on the historical role Christians played in the defence of the country. He lists the most outstanding individuals who fought in the Pakistan Armed Forces including the Air Force, the Army, and the Navy, describing in particular detail the ‘remarkable’ efforts of Christian pilots in defending the country. Some individuals from this long and distinguished list are mentioned below, all of whom have been awarded the the Sitara-e-Jurat (Star of Courage) in recognition of their services to Pakistan.

Air Vice Marshall Eric Gordon Hall enlisted with the Royal Air Force of the British Army in 1943, but, with the partition of the sub-continent in 1947, opted to side with Pakistan and was posted to the airbase of the PAF in Risalpur to help train troops and develop the Air Force. He was promoted first to the rank of Air Vice Marshall, then Deputy Chief of Air Staff and finally Chief of Staff of the PAF, and commanded a number of PAF bases as well as the PAF Staff College.  He was instrumental in the development of the PAF’s bombing capabilities - showing great initiative, he came up with the idea of modifying existing C-130 transports to carry an unprecedented 20,000 Ibs of bombs. He then volunteered to lead the first bombing mission of these unarmed aircraft over enemy territory. The mission’s success – not one plane was lost - had a great impact on future bombing missions and the future of the PAF in general. 

This stalwart courage and dedication to country were qualities shown by many other Christian servicemen in the PAF. Air Commodore Nazir Latif was an exceptionally talented Air Force pilot who - early in his career, at the age of only 23 - was promoted, and entrusted with the duty of dogfighting against enemy planes, with Pakistan’s new Jet fighters.  He flew on many dangerous missions, including successful attacks deep inside Indian territory, and, as a result of his tremendously brave and dedicated actions, was awarded the Sitara-e-Jurat. He went on to command three fighter and bomber wings and two PAF bases, hold the post of Director of Operations and Plans at the PAF Air Headquarters.
 

Wing Commander Mervyn Leslie Middlecoat was a brilliant pilot who won a trophy for best performance in ground-based tactics. He was the epitome of an officer and an exemplar of gentlemanly conduct – he developed a particularly close friendship with King Hussein of Jordan - as well as an inspiring leader, adept at keeping the morale of his troops high in challenging and dangerous situations. His end, however, was highly dramatic and tragic - while returning from a successful mission, he was hit by an enemy missile (having already dodged two attempts to shoot him down) and ejected into the shark-infested Gulf of Kutch, just off the Indian coast. He was officially declared’ missing in action’, and then, finally, ‘presumed dead’.  The strong leadership and immense bravery he displayed while in the PAF led to him being awarded the Sitara-i-Jurat, and then a Bar to the Sitara-i-Jurat, both posthumously.

War Hero – Mr.Cecil Chaudhry

Cecil Chaudhry not only defended Pakistan throughout his military career, but also has been involved in the education of many new generations of Pakistani youth, and was an influential figure in Pakistani national life. During the 1965 and 1971 wars, Chaudhry was a very notable PAF pilot. The loss of his mentor Squadron leader Rafiqui, and friend Yunus - shot down in front of him during a mission in the 1965 war- greatly affected Chaudhry, and saw him fight the reminder of the war with a fierce determination and exceptional dedication. While on a mission in December of 1971, Squadron leader Chaudhry’s aircraft was damaged by enemy fire. He escaped with injuries. Nevertheless he managed to fight on valiantly, and after reaching the Sargodha base safely shot down an enemy aircraft in the exact area where he himself was nearly shot down. He went on to command No. 9 squadron, and the Combat Commander’s School. His contributions to Pakistan did not end there, however; he went on to hold the post of Principle at St. Anthony’s School in Lahore where he ‘continued to turn out scores of motivated young men who are bubbling with zeal and enthusiasm to serve their country with dedication, pride and honour’, until his death in April 2012. Even in death, his name lives on – the Cecil and Iris Chaudhry Foundation continued to carry out interfaith and educational work, and his son – Cecil Chaudhry Jr. – continues to be a well-renowned activist in this field.

Squadron Leader William Desmond Harney started his military career as a Navigator in a Bomber squadron, and, during the 1965 war, voluntarily undertook 14 separate missions despite suffering a hand injury. During these missions, Harney (now Squadron Leader) displayed excellent leadership and a great deal of courage. Zafar writes of Harney “His mission planning and execution ….was so meticulous that despite heavy odds, he always reached his targets and contribute significantly to the accuracy of the attacks.” For his unwavering professionalism and the bravery he displayed, Squadron Leader Harney was awarded the Sitara-e-Jurat. He went on to fly many more missions during the 1971 war before retiring in 1974.

For the first half of the century of Independence many Christians held prominent positions in government, the armed services and the civil services. For example, Chief Justice Cornelius served several times as Acting President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan etc. Appointed government’s Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs. He supervised the country’s elections in 1970 and a whole draft for new constitution in 1971, and, throughout his career, worked carefully to balance the roles of Islamic and secular values in the country’s justice system.

It may be controversial to include so many soldiers in a history of Pakistani Christians – after all, war and Christian doctrine often sit uneasily together, and there are surely a wide range of other people who have contributed to their country in less bloody ways. There have been, of course, but there’s something very distinctive about military service. To fight, kill, and die in the service of a country is, whatever we think about it, a very clear sign of one’s dedication. Pakistanis today should remember the diverse heritage of their country; the way that their parents and grandparents joined forces to build the country; for the Pakistan of today to be strong, just, and equal, they should remember this spirit, and carry forward Ali Jinnah’s notion of a state where minorities are liberated, free to live their lives, and, together, able to build a stronger, better, more peaceful country.

Rehman Anwer

Incisive criticism, cautious optimism, and media narratives - the Project Musawaat press event

It’s the eve of Pakistan’s general election. Political leaders and candidates are touring the country, running a punishing schedule of rallies, campaign appearances, and speeches; engineered rolling blackouts are sweeping across the country; the Pakistani Taliban have killed more than 70 people since the beginning of April, in a series of brutal bomb attacks against three of the main political parties. And yet, a group of journalists, activists, and members of civil society have got together for a day to discuss interfaith politics, the specific state of the Pakistani local, national, and international press, and texting.

This strange gathering was organised by Faith Matters, an international organisation working on religious coexistence and community cohesion in the UK, the Middle East, and in Pakistan. Part press conference, part seminar, part activist gathering, and part civil society get-together, this event was a great opportunity to gather together a wide range of journalists, activists, and members of religious organisations from across Pakistan to hear about the cause of religious harmony.

The main focus of the press event was a meeting to discuss the findings of Project Musawaat, a project launched by Faith Matters in Pakistan to promote interfaith equality. Project Musawaat is a project to support grassroots level interfaith dialogue and understanding between the Christian and Muslim communities in Pakistan. It aims to help develop, alongside its partner organisations, sustainable structures and processes to develop confidence and skills among young people to promote interfaith harmony, by bringing together members from a wide range of organisations and groups across a number of cities and towns in Punjab. Given that one of the main focuses of this project has been to encourage engagement and links with the media and civil society organisations, it was particularly appropriate and helpful to be able to present these findings to journalists.

The project is still ongoing, and, to date, has achieved the following significant milestones:

•    Launched on 4th November 2012,

•    Delivered four interfaith workshops in the cities of Gujranwala and Faisalabad, attended by 254 young people from a variety of faith backgrounds, and gathering together 45 youth organisations and educational institutions to participate in this training.

•    Organised 3 youth-led mass SMS campaigns, resulting in Musawaat’s messages being spread to 9 million phone-owners across the target areas of Gujranwala, Faisalabad, and surrounding regions, with a fourth campaign currently ongoing. These received 36,271 responses.

Many of the journalists present at this press event had been present at the November 2012 launch, and so it was really helpful and encouraging to give them an update on how this project was going.

One of the most encouraging findings of Musawaat that was presented was how well received the project’s message of inter-religious tolerance and harmony was. A recurring theme throughout the workshops was the sense that the participants saw themselves as possessing an extremely strong sense of shared Pakistani citizenship and collective identity. While this sense of civic patriotism did not overwhelm their own religious values, it is nonetheless a powerful unifying force for developing an equal and shared Pakistani (or, in some cases, Punjabi) identity. As Saiqa Kaur, one of the delegates, remarked, ‘we believe that composite heritage is a powerful tool to promote diversity and peace … there is a lot in common among the people of Punjab and we focus on those commonalities to promote love and understanding between them.’ Through Musawaat, we helped to provide the young participants with the right tools, training, and support to promote equality and religious harmony in their own communities, but what was amazing was that - albeit in the self-selected group of attendees - young people were already incredibly receptive to the goals of interfaith coexistence, and were keen to pursue it in their own societies. The degree to which young people were interested in interfaith was really impressive, and it was great to convey this to the journalists and media figures who took part (many of whom, as we will see later, had a similar belief in the receptiveness of young people to these messages).

The response to the first three SMS campaigns was also striking. Of the 36,271 responses to the campaign, the significant majority were positive and enthusiastic about the program’s message, agreeing with the communiqués and responding with their own messages of peaceable interfaith harmony and tolerance. Even many of the ones that were more critical displayed a support for the ideals of interfaith work and religious coexistence. Rather than questioning these values in themselves, they expressed caution about interfaith projects’ impartiality, worrying that their perceived Western ties compromised their effectiveness. These were negative comments, but ultimately only underline the importance and value placed on good interfaith relations by many ordinary Pakistanis. Rather than rejecting them outright, they were worried that such projects were being subverted by external influences.

Having developed and outlined some of the findings of Musawaat so far, we then took the opportunity to present some of the future plans of the project to the interested crowd of journalists and activists present. One of the obvious goals is simply to scale up the project, presenting it to more towns, cities, and villages in Punjab, and presenting the same demonstrably effective message to a wider audience. On top of this, we also presented a few of the developments and changes that have come out of our evaluations of the project. One of our key findings was that many media and civil society organisations - especially schools and educational establishments - were eager to get involved, but often lacked the initial capacity or informational resources to begin promoting interfaith work in their own communities. As such, in future, we intend to increase our collaboration with these sorts of groups, and devise a mutually beneficial and coordinated strategy with them to promote interfaith harmony, learning, and education. In particular, we expressed an interest in reaching out to schools, colleges, and universities to raise youth awareness about conceptions of interfaith dialogue, equality, tolerance, and conflict resolution. Young people are, after all, the next generation, and have not become jaded about the possibilities for positive social change; as such, they can play a key role in opposing sectarianism and anti-minority violence.

We also took the opportunity to talk to members of the media about the potential role that they can play in promoting interfaith dialogue. Project Musawaat has often found how it is the hate-filled, scandalous local media that has spurred on and led to sectarian violence; both local and national media can play a huge role in opposing and undermining these narratives. Clear-eyed, thorough, and accurate reporting of local issues, especially around interfaith issues, can play an enormous role in remedying these problems; by making sure that malicious voices do not go unopposed, and by dispelling the misinformation and hostile myths that often surround interfaith issues of Pakistan, popular media can play an enormous role in combating sectarian extremism, and helping to build a safer and more united country. As such, media outlets should work to communicate the cause of mutual respect and tolerance in society, allocating resources (we discussed everything from individual journalistic beats to an entire interfaith harmony channel) to the fair reporting of interfaith relations, and developing close working relationships with faith communities and grassroots activists. Not only would this promote peace, moderation, and tolerance within Pakistan’s diverse society, but it would also be interesting and newsworthy material! We benefited a great deal from the presence of journalists from a wide range of media outlets at this event, who offered excellent advice and support in discussing and planning on these issues.

Having introduced Musawaat and Faith Matters’ work, we also invited a number of key speakers to give their own thoughts and ideas about interfaith work in Pakistan. They came from a variety of religious, civil society, and media backgrounds, and so could offer their own opinions on these issues to supplement, expand, or critique the findings of Project Musawaat.

First up was Samson Salamat, the director of the Centre for Human Rights Education, an NGO bringing together a range of human rights educators and defenders in order to collectively press for minority rights, make people aware of human rights abuses, and improve the human rights situation in Pakistan. Mr Salamat’s fiery oration moved the entire conference, as he described the way that faith communities (especially religious minorities) were afraid to stand up and speak about their beliefs and concerns, and the complicity of the state in allowing them to be intimidated into silence. Delivering striking and compelling arguments, he suggested that the key to resolving these issues was education; instilling young people across Pakistan with a sense of respect for the diversity of religious belief, and not taking advantage of these divisions for political advantage. He also criticised what he saw as an unhelpful focus on the superficialities of interfaith conflicts, and warned against defaulting to easy solutions to the problems in Pakistan. Rather than solely pursuing short-term benefits, he suggested that Pakistani society should look at the basic, underlying causes of interfaith conflicts, such as the asymmetry of a country that has controversial blasphemy laws (that have been criticised both domestically and internationally) but no effective laws against hate speech.

Later, we also heard from Shehar Bano Khan, a Muslim feminist researcher, journalist, and activist working extensively with Dawn. Khan was similarly critical of the status quo, talking extensively about the ways in which commercial and political interests distorted media reporting on human rights and political issues. Important issues that people needed to hear about were squashed, with news agendas being reshuffled to reflect the interests of editors and patrons. These sorts of subtle threats to a free and fair press are common in any country, but are particularly problematic in Pakistan, where the voices of minorities need to be heard in order to ensure that the country is free from interfaith conflicts. One specific problem that she saw as contributing to this was the lack of training and expertise among many of Pakistan’s media personnel; fresh-faced, keen, and eager journalists emerge into Pakistan’s growing media world (especially electronic media), but their lack of training on how to report on complex political issues means that not all voices get heard. In addition, journalists are at particular risk of being subject to violence, meaning that they need to be particularly careful and circumspect in reporting on and investigating political issues. It was particularly interesting to hear how these issues fit into broader interfaith work, and served as a fascinating window onto the complex issues faced in this field by journalists. This incisive critique, was, however, rounded off with a message of hope and positive future change - as a journalist, activist, and researcher, she argued that changes in media reporting could have a significant impact on people’s lives in Pakistan, and, if handled properly and fairly, could undermine narratives of hatred and division while encouraging and reinforcing messages of fair and equal coexistence.

The other speakers took a similar approach; critical of the flaws and imbalances rife within the current Pakistani system, but cautiously optimistic and enthusiastic about the possibility for change. Cecil Chaudhry Jr. (the son of Cecil S. Chaudhry Sr., the famed Pakistani fighter pilot, educationalist, and human rights activist, Cecil is a well-spoken human rights activist himself), for example, stressed the importance of youth mobilisation for education, highlighting the many problems faced by schoolchildren and university students (particularly ones from minorities) in the current climate of intolerance and hostility. Like Khan, Chaudhry was particularly concerned about the ways in which powerful political interests in Pakistan were erasing and ignoring the significant roles played in Pakistan’s independence and history by non-Muslim military and political heroes, noting that their names were even being removed from textbooks! He did, however, suggest that youth mobilisation could play a significant role in bringing about a better and more peaceful Pakistan, however - by educating them about the real and diverse history of Pakistan, Chaudhry convincingly argued that the country’s young people and next generation could be a powerful force in bringing about peace in the country.

Finally, we also heard from Taranjeet Singh, an anchor with Pakistan Television and presenter of the popular TV program ‘Voice of Youth’, and organiser for the Hindu-Sikh Youth Forum. As an effective and established organiser in this field, it was particularly interesting to hear Singh’s perspectives on the issue of interfaith work, and his thoughts on the matter. He highlighted the importance of people from different groups simply meeting with each other, and having the opportunity to interact and talk - as well as more sophisticated interfaith and community cohesion activities, he suggested that this simple activity was a vital part of breaking down the barriers between different faith communities in Pakistan. As well as this, he also emphasised the role of the media in promoting interfaith harmony and reconciliation, and the way that positive media messages could have a huge role in promoting goodwill - even citing this very event as an important part of this process!

In short, the media event was a great success in terms of gathering together a range of different speakers with different interests and perspectives on the issue of religious harmony and conflict. We heard from a wide range of activists, journalists, and members of civil society, many of whom were from a range of faith backgrounds themselves, and got a range of perspectives on the issues of the role and importance of interfaith dialogue in contemporary Pakistan, and presented our own findings from Musawaat as well. What was particularly striking across many of the accounts we heard was the combination of criticism of the status quo, together with a cautious optimism that the interfaith movement might - just might - be able to succeed. A number of common elements were identified - the role that established and official bodies played in silencing and erasing the voices and histories of often-oppressed minority groups, the ways that positive media messages, face-to-face dialogue, and youth solidarity could counteract that, and the fact that there is a great untapped potential and enthusiasm for interfaith dialogue and coexistence, especially among the young people of Pakistan. There are a great number of obstacles to this, this is true, and it is important not to be too optimistic about the possibility for short-term (or maybe even medium-term) change, but what we certainly did hear at this event was the message that coexistence and inter-religious harmony are possible, and that - little by little - it’s possible for people all over the country to change it.

This message wasn’t going unheard, either - we weren’t presenting to an empty room. Present at the press event were journalists from a wide range of newspapers across Pakistan - from local papers like the Daily Awaz, to national ones like the Pakistan Today, to international ones like the Daily Ausaf and The Nation; from English-language media like Dawn to Urdu-language ones like The Daily Pakistan. It was really encouraging to see such a wide range of Pakistani media organisations taking part, and we really valued the level of engagement shown. It was a great demonstration of the level of interest in interfaith harmony in Pakistan, and was an excellent opportunity to talk about the work of Faith Matters and its partner organisations in the country. Many of the aforementioned guest speakers were also active in media and activism, too -

We also saw participation from a range of other media and journalistic groups (several of whom we’ve already mentioned), including Taranjeet Singh from the Pakistan Television Network - it was really helpful to see representatives from such a wide range of media outlets. We were also honoured by the presence of a wide range of civil society activists and groups. We saw everyone from young participants and delegates like Nabeel Mustaq, of the interfaith harmony group ‘The Reformers’, to Muslim feminist researchers and activists like Shehar Bano Khan, as well as a number of established hands in the field of religious harmony and coexistence, like Samson Salamat of the Centre for Human Rights Education and Cecil Chaudhry Jr. of The Cecil & Iris Chaudhry Foundation. Such a broad participation by activists and different sorts of media figures is really encouraging, as it demonstrates the breadth of interest there is in inter-religious cohesion and harmony. It can be easy to dismiss interfaith work as a marginal force, or a Western import that ordinary Pakistani people have no interest in hearing or even hearing about, but the number of media figures present shows that there is, at least, a significant interested audience for this sort of message.

As well as this, the presentation also saw a number of e-Papers - specialised online newspapers - represented, with journalists and other figures including The News on Sunday and the Weekly Family. As digital versions of ordinary papers, these might not seem to be a particularly significant development, but in a country where electronic media is booming, and internet access has exceeded newspaper circulations and expanded by 250% in the last five years, the participation of journalists using new media is extremely welcome. One of Musawaat’s great strengths has been its investigation of the role that the media, especially these new forms of media, can play in opposing political, sectarian, and community violence, and so this is extremely welcome. Between Facebook, Twitter, Vimeo and the internet in general, people from all over Pakistan have been developing new ways to communicate, discuss their lives and politics, and build branches between different geographical, social, and faith communities. Indeed, as we saw earlier, this sort of technological/new media approach (via both SMS campaigns and media training) has been at the heart of Project Musawaat and its predecessor, Project Peghaam, by allowing the dissemination of messages of interfaith harmony and coexistence to a much wider audience than possible before. Phones, Facebook, web connections - these new approaches to media not only allow people much greater access to a wide range of new perspectives and ideas about life in Pakistan, but also can potentially give people their own voice to discuss these issues themselves. As such, it’s particularly heartening to see new media sources like these e-Papers get involved in the conference - they are signs of the growing strength of a vibrant Pakistani civil society, that allows people from all over Pakistan to hear a range of views and become better engaged in their societies. This represents a potent force for increasing access to news and information for many Pakistanis, and can help to strengthen Pakistani political processes and local communities.

It’s something of a cliché to remark that an issue, event, or cause is more important than ever, with an attempt to draw some tenuous link between one’s own platform and some contemporary event or issue. In this case, however - right now, on the cusp of a fiercely contested election, between larger-than-life personalities with their own vision for Pakistan, with sectarian violence and terrorist attacks ravaging the nation, and minority groups and women preparing to go to the polls and assert their growing confidence in opposing oppressive and reactionary social norms - we would suggest that interfaith and inter-community work is, indeed, more important than ever in Pakistan. Religious and sectarian violence is higher than ever before, with the predicted death toll for the persecuted Shia community alone well on its way to being several times the equivalent figure for 2012, attacks against Christian communities (like the recent mob attack on Joseph Colony in Lahore), and the continuing growth of sectarian terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi all contributing to a more insecure and more dangerous Pakistan. This sort of activity is a serious problem for all Pakistanis, as it fosters mutual mistrust, hostility, and suspicion, and legitimises violent and aggressive politics that harms everybody. Musawaat, and other similar projects, have done a great deal of work in opposing sectarian and religious strife, trying to help young people to develop a Pakistan that transcends these divisions, and that all people can peacefully participate in without having to surrender their own religious identities. Faith Matters’ work towards this goal can only ever a small part of this greater project, and one that only affects a small area of Pakistan - but such a project can only be carried out through a multitude of small steps and small actions, by media, politicians, religious leaders, teachers, civil society groups, working together. As such, we were really glad to see such a wide range of media group, journalists, and activists at this press event, and we welcome their participation in it - it gives us all hope for the future!

Democracy can never fail Pakistan!!!

 

 

Pakistan’s 2013 elections are just around the corner. The five long years of the Pakistan People’s Party’s government have come to end. The rise of economic and security crisis suggest that people of Pakistan at large are not very happy with the governance system of the PPP government and its coalition partners, though, and recent polls don’t seem to favour them either: the political pundits of Pakistan are seeing very little chances for them to be re-elected for the next term. Many people are suggesting that democracy has failed to deliver on its promises, and that perhaps parliamentary democracy will never work for Pakistan.

Since the independence of Pakistan in 1947, Pakistan’s democratic process has never been able to maintain itself for long periods of time. The constitutional process itself has been the victim of interference by military and civil dictatorships that have meant that it has never been given the chance to develop into a set of mature democratic institutions. Besides this institutional damage to the democracy, there are a range of other anti-democratic forces, including more than a few people who do not want to see democracy succeed, and have continually campaigned against it. This last group comes in many forms – on the one hand, we can see the so-called educated members of the Hizbut Tahrir, with their sophisticated approach of targeting educational institutions and influential media figures to convince them about the damages caused by democracy to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and how their favoured alternative to democracy - the ‘Khilafa’ system - can resolve all the issues faced by the Pakistani society. On the other hand, by contrast, there is the rather ruthless Tahreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) who openly declared a war against democracy by calling it a ‘system of infidels’ and by targeting and killing various prominent members of the political parties.

These anti-democratic forces have no idea what damage they have already caused to the state of Pakistan. Probably worst of this damage is the lack of confidence that ordinary people have in the democratic system. The total voter turnout in 2008 election was 44.55% - a shockingly low turnout compared to the neighbouring Bangladesh where it was 85.26%. Such a low turnout ratio is detrimental for any aspiring democratic state. Looking at these numbers, it is clear that, if we want democracy to succeed, every effort must be made to motivate the citizens to participate in the electoral process. No matter what political parties they support, the key is not to ignore the fact that in such a system, they are the true agents of change and without their participation the status quo in Pakistan will remain the same. The civil society and media have got to be proactive to raise political awareness and the government itself must ensure that the voters are facilitated in every possible way to increase the turn out for the coming elections.

The famously acerbic British satirist and playwright George Bernard Shaw once remarked that ‘democracy is a device that ensures we shall be governed no better than we deserve’ – but in this case ordinary Pakistan do deserve to be governed well, and have demonstrated their desire to govern themselves in a democratic way, for their will and aspirations to be empowered and embodied in effective politic decision-making. Today, Pakistan may have a number of problems but one of the beauties of democracy is that there are structures and processes in place to deal with these problems; there is a free and fair media to raise questions and concerns about each and every dubious act of the government, there is an independent judiciary who is empowered enough to prosecute the Prime Minister of the country, and in contrast to the dictatorial regimes, the elected government did not try to prolong their due span of governance with any lame excuses. As we noted in the introduction, these processes have suffered in Pakistan at the hands of those who’d undermine them, but they are still very much alive and present in the country.

All the anti-democratic forces in Pakistan are still busy spreading their misleading narratives across the country, warning of contradiction of democratic principles with their reading of Islamic thought. The people of Pakistan must refuse and reject those narratives. Pakistan was envisioned and founded by a man who was a great supporter of democracy. The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam always believed that the conception of modern democracy is based on the Islamic principles of a welfare state.

Today, when I find anti-democracy rhetoric resonating in Pakistan by certain groups, I end up wondering who created this divide between democratic principles and Islam. My view is not very different from the view of the founder of Pakistan and which is:

 "Democracy is in the blood of Musalmans [Muslims], who look upon complete equality of manhood [mankind]…[and] believe in fraternity, equality and liberty." [Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah]

Rehman Anwer

Badam Zari – A Symbol of Local Resistance against the Taliban in FATA

Pakistan has been through a lot lately – civil violence, political disputes, religious and sectarian conflicts, and terrorism to name but a few of the issues. But despite all the controversies and governance issues that have plagued it in the last five years, there remains a ray of hope for the establishment of stability in Pakistan - the continuation of the democratic process in the country. The beauty of popular democracy is that it raises political awareness amongst ordinary citizens, and urges them to stand up for their own rights and the rights of those around them. That’s how societies grow, develop, and move onward to become safer, more tolerant, and more just. In a country like Pakistan, where the democratic process has repeatedly been distorted and subverted by a number of military interventions, the completion of a full electoral term by an elected government is certainly encouraging. The caretaker government has announced the general elections are to be held on 11 May 2013, and right now, electoral fear and anxiety is at its peak in the country.

Pakistan has always been an unpredictable country, in political terms. The country is normally considered to be a male dominated society, with huge support to for conservative, elderly extremists. Nonetheless in 1988, the world observed that the people of Pakistan elected Benazir Bhutto, a centre-left 35-year old as the first female (and, so far, only) Prime Minister of the country, when she returned back from exile in 1980s; today, there is a small but very much present female presence in government and the 2002 election returned 17% women MPs (the UK House of Commons currently has 22% women, while the US Congress has 18%). Similarly, whenever given a chance to elect their leaders, a vast majority of Pakistanis stood up against the ultraconservative political parties and they have never been able to form the government in Pakistan.

This isn’t to say that the political power of these ultraconservative groups has been broken though – or, at least, not everywhere. In the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, the political landscape has been somewhat different, with the being heavily influenced by the views and ideology of militant Taliban affiliated movements; these groups consider that the democracy is in contradiction to the Islamic principles of governance. They have targeted various political party workers and leaders, and threatened to unleash a further wave of violence for the coming elections in May, declaring that that they will attack anyone taking part in the general elections in their region. Again, though, we can see the green shoots of change even in this traditionally conservative tribal area – for the first time in the history of Pakistan, a FATA tribal woman, named Badam Zari, has announced that she will run in the general elections. She will contest her area as an independent candidate, against 27 men from all of the major political parties.

This news is astonishing for anyone who knows the socio-political dynamics of the tribal areas of Pakistan. Casting a vote can lead to one’s death (according the the New Statesman, pamphlets have been handed out warning that women who vote will face bombing or ‘severe punishment’) so the fact that a woman is contesting for a national assembly seat is particularly striking. Bajur Agency, the seat that Zari is contesting, is a small town in FATA connecting the region to the Kunar province of Afghanistan, and hence holds significant strategic importance. There have been numerous clashes between the militant Taliban and Pakistan Army in Bajur in the recent past, and the locals have suffered enormously because of this on-going conflict – it is a heavily contested area.

Whether or not Badam Zari is able to win the elections, her courage to participate in the democratic process is a symbol of local resistance against the tyranny of both the Taliban and broader repressive social norms, and a sign of the growing support for change that Pakistanis want to bring to their society at large, and the strengthening of norms of democracy and equality in Pakistan.

Rehman Anwer

Extremists cause yet another Human Rights crisis in Pakistan

So, finally the Tahreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) took control of the Tirah Valley!

Situated in the Northwest of the Khyber Agency of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the Tirah Valley is known across the entire region for its immaculate and untouched beauty. The valley is a home of the Afridi and Orakzai tribes of Pashtuns, and holds particular political significance because it borders Afghanistan on the West. The valley is often described as a ‘No Man’s Land’, and is ruled by the indigenous natives who have been living their lives in accordance with the tribal culture for decades.ⁱ

On March 12, the TTP demanded centralised control of the region from a local group named Ansaar ul Islam (AI). Heavily armed conflict started between the both groups when AI refused to hand over the region to TTP. According to news reports, hundreds of fighters from both groups were killed in the fighting, but eventually the TTP took control of the majority of the region.

This entire episode took place at a time when a dialogue process with Taliban was being enthusiastically considered at both domestic and international levels. Both the United States and Pakistan seemed to be on the same page, trying to initiate new efforts to negotiate with Taliban in order to bring peace and stability in the entire region. Cynics might suggest that they were using the now somewhat traditional approach of using the dialogue process as a breathing space to organise themselves, but the Taliban also seemed to show flexibility and receptiveness to the peace deal – at least in the beginning. These latest events, however – the seizing of a Tirah, a strategically important bridge between Waziristan on one side and Afghanistan on the other side – seem to give the lie to this early peaceable approach. It seems the cynics may have been correct - it can be inferred that the Taliban are only driven by their own vicious agenda, and are a difficult party to pin down and trust for peace negotiations.

This recent crisis has affected thousands of locals who were forced to flee their houses and possessions to save their lives. According to the reports of FATA Disaster Management Authority (FADM), 4,290 families have been displaced as a result of this recent conflict. The internally displaced people (IDPs) include 6,436 men, 10,872 women and 15,608 children.ⁱⁱ  In the absence of any adequate arrangement by the government to facilitate this large number of IDPs, the situation has led to a significant humanitarian disaster, with widespread human rights violations against those displaced. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (the HRCP) has also shown their concerns over the rehabilitation and well-being of the IDPs, and also over the fact that the armed militia has taken over a highly strategic region in FATA to sustain their barbaric and violent activities.

Rehman Anwer

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ⁱ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Rapid%20Assessment%20Report_Tirah%20IDPs_Jamrud%20KA%20FATA_FINAL%20Draft%20(1).pdf

ⁱⁱ http://tribune.com.pk/story/525142/tirah-valley-displacement-unhcr-halts-registration-leaves-officials-in-quandary/