Tuesday 18 June 2013

The strange paradoxes of Revenge – a reflection on the destruction of Quaid’s Residence in Ziarat

The philosophy of revenge is a strange one. People who are so filled with hate, anger, or feeling of righteousness that they feel they must strike out against someone – anyone - sometimes forget to discriminate between their friends and foes. In their quest to find some great act of violence that they hope will satisfy them, they target not only innocent people, but also buildings, symbols, and the very fabric of a country’s history to achieve their blind, unthinking objectives. Terrorist groups targeting buildings is not a new phenomenon – violent groups of all stripes have long appreciated the symbolic impact of blowing up or otherwise destroying large, impressive structures, as incidents like the September 11th attack on the Twin Towers, the 1963 Birmingham Church Bombing, the tearing down of the historic Babri mosque in India, and numerous other attacks have shown. To attack individual people is a horrifying act, and losses of human life are terrible; but to destroy a significant or meaningful building sends a very clear message to those who hold it dear, and wipes out a piece of history.

Quaid’s residency before (l), and after (r), the attack

In the early hours of Saturday 15th June, another building was added to this list of  historic buildings destroyed by terrorist actions – Quaid-e-Azam’s historic residency, in Ziarat, Balochistan, was wrecked by an incendiary device. This was the 19th century colonial-era building in which the father     of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, spent the last days of his life. The building was constructed in 1892 by the British, and was later officially declared ‘Quaid-e-Azam’s Residency’ by the government of Pakistan. The place has been the centre of attraction for tourists from all around the world, who used to come and see the residence of the founder of Pakistan, and to pay him tribute for his untiring struggle for the protection and promotion of the rights of the Indian Muslims. The people of Pakistan have long had a deep respect for everything associated with their founder, and so the Quaid-e-Azam’s residence was highly respected and was considered as a national asset.

Responsibility for this iconoclastic attack was claimed by the Balochistan Liberation Army. The BLA, a proscribed terrorist group of Balochi separatists, burnt the entire building to the ground, and tearing down the Pakistani flag, replacing it with their own organisation’s flag. Citing government discrimination, human rights abuses (including hundreds of ‘disapperances’ of prominent Baloch activists and journalists), and hostility to the central government’s resource extraction policies, Baloch nationalists have long been involved in an ongoing (fairly low-level) struggle against the Pakistani government.

Since the BLA’s founding in 2003, however, they have emerged as a serious growing threat  to law and order in Balochistan. Despite claims not to target civilians – following an attack which killed eleven in Quetta in 2004, a BLA spokesman ‘expressed his deep grief over the civilian casualties caused by the blast’ – the group’s attacks have often involved high civilian death tolls, either directly, or as by killing bystanders. Indeed, in the attack on Quaid’ residency, a policeman guarding the house was killed in the initial blast – yet another incidental death resulting from the BLA’s campaign of terroristic violence. On top of this, they have also specifically targeted Pakistani security forces in the region, diverting vital resources from the fight against the remnants of Al-Qaeda in the area – a conflict that is only likely to escalate if rumours of separatist insurgents receiving arms and materiel from outside sources to continue their campaigns of violence in Balochistan.

Quaid with Baloch leaders (source: http://quaid-e-azam-history.blogspot.co.uk)

A struggle to free oneself from oppression, and to assert one’s own human rights is the fundamental right of any community, and it is important not to let the recent terrorist attacks by the BLA change our minds on this either way. Nonetheless, targeting innocent civilians, carrying out attacks on dearly held national symbols for millions of Pakistanis, and destroying national treasures can never be productive for any movement struggling to secure their rights. The recent brutal attack on the residency of Quaid-e-Azam has not only had a huge psychological impact on many, many Pakistanis, but it has also undermined the peace efforts that started after the formation of the new provisional government in Balochistan. After years of conflict, the democratic process has finally brought together a government that includes a range of nationalist parties including the National Party, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and the Balochistan National Party (Mengal). Despite this opportunity for dialogue and cooperation between the various elected representatives of Balochistan, the attackers seem to have no interest in or patience for securing the peace and stability of the region in the long term, but seem only to want to take a short cut and assert power now – an act that can only perpetuate the violent extremism in Balochistan.

Indeed, the philosophy of revenge is strange – All it seems to do is to perpetuate conflicts, bring down more scrutiny, and push peaceful dialogue and solidarity further away. Worse, it does not even let us discriminate between our friends and enemies. The so-called Baloch nationalists, who claim to be fighting for the rights of Baloch people, destroyed the historic residence of a person who, for the first time in the history of Indian subcontinent, had strongly advocated for reforms benefitting Balochistan on the same level as other provinces of India in his famous Fourteen Points in 1929.

Rehman Anwer

Thursday 6 June 2013

Finding Sustainable Peace in Karachi


2012 has been one of the deadliest years in Karachi for a long time, with more than 2,000 people killed in violent attacks. These have mainly been connected with ethnic and political tensions, carried out in order to create fear before the recent general elections.i Not much seems to have changed in 2013 with regard to this sort of violence, either - in the present year, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, 735 people have been killed and 622 injured so far in the on-going incidents of violence in Karachi.ii

This kind of violence in Karachi has a particularly serious impact on Pakistan’s national security situation, and on its economy. Because Karachi is one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse cities in Pakistan - home to Pashtun, Mohajirs (Urdu Speaking), Punjabis, Baloch and Sindhi - any unrest in the city is likely to have a significant knock-on effect on the other parts of the country. On the economic front, Karachi contributes 25% of the total GDP in Pakistan, and any disruption, interruption, or cessation of its economic functioning risks destabilising the country’s economy.

As well as being culturally and ethnically diverse, Karachi is, unfortunately, one of the most diverse cities in terms of the range of extremism and terrorism to be found in the city. This terrorism is mainly ethnic and political in nature, although the significance of the sectarian and Taliban elements present in the city should not be understated, especially when taking into consideration the fact that Faisal Shahzad, the person who tried to blow up New York’s Times Square in 2010, was connected to the terror network of Tahreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in Karachi.

On top of this general threat of violence, power struggles between the major political players in Karachi including MQM, ANP and PPP have made the city a battleground. All of these major political parties have their own militant wings, and these groups have been fighting with each other to gain control of the city’s resources. The urban violence primarily takes place between between MQM (who represent mainly the Mahajirs) and ANP (who primarily represent Pashtuns). Reports suggest that both of these parties have very well-equipped armed wings and they have created an environment of enormous fear for the residents of Karachi. Not only does this sort of armed violence represent a direct threat to the lives of people in the city, but it also makes their lives much more uncertain and precarious generally – it’s difficult to live a normal life with the constant threat of violence hanging over your entire community.

The elections in Pakistan are over now, and the new government is being formed. What the leaders of Pakistan need now is to learn from the brutal and harsh incidents of violence that have wracked Karachi in recent years, and work towards making the city a more peaceful place that is safer for its residents. It’s important that this is not a short-lived or fleeting end to political violence, either – what can be done to make sure that peace is sustainable in Karachi?

Based on the complexities of the ethno-political dimensions of the violence in Karachi, one of the first steps for the local politicians to take should be the recognition of the effect that their conflicts have on both Pakistani people, and on Pakistan as a country; the violence, the suffering, and the self-perpetuating division that this creates. A strong political will is required to address these issues, but it’s important to confront the serious threat that these issues pose to the integrity of Pakistan, and to grapple seriously with this issue.

One of the most important and immediate actions should be the dismantlement of the armed wings of the various political parties. This, of course, is a difficult first step – who would be the first to lay down arms? – but a collaborative and mutual process of disarmament, if handled carefully by a neutral arbiter, is very possible, and would be very effective. Once this is done, and armed criminal groups are detached from the mainstream political process in the city, then real change can take place.

Beyond these necessary political steps, however, it’s also important to look at the underlying social and cultural causes of the violence, that enable extremism and division, and allow it to continue. A culture of promoting diversity and encouraging understanding among the communities living in Karachi is essential to combating this; while economic and political factors play a part in perpetuating the violence, undermining mutual hostility, suspicion, and misunderstanding in Karachi society will go a long way towards resolving the problems. Vulnerable segments of the society including minorities, young people and women should be involved in the social programmes and decision-making processes, as well; not only are they often excluded from many of these debates and processes, but they can also offer new and important perspectives on these issues based on their own perspectives and experiences. In addition to this, the government needs to promote initiatives to promote peace, national cohesion, and solidarity among the residents of Karachi to deal with the challenges of terrorism and extremism facing both the city and Pakistan as a whole.

Peace in Karachi would certainly be a good thing, but by showing the way for these conflicts to be resolved, it could pave the way for so much more. Indeed, peace in Karachi could mean peace in Pakistan.


Rehman Anwer


i http://dawn.com/2013/01/07/2012-deadliest-year-in-karachi-for-two-decades/
ii http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/sindh/datasheet/karachi_incident.html